April 10, 2005
Liberation Theology
What is it?
"Christian Revolution in Latin America:
The Changing Face of Liberation Theology"
by Ron Rhodes
Gustavo Gutierrez, author of A Theology of Liberation, provides us with a representative methodology. Like other liberationists, Gutierrez rejects the idea that theology is a systematic collection of timeless and culture-transcending truths that remains static for all generations. Rather, theology is in flux; it is a dynamic and ongoing exercise involving contemporary insights into knowledge, humanity, and history.
Sin. Using methodologies such as Gutierrez's, liberationists interpret sin not primarily from an individual, private perspective, but from a social and economic perspective. Gutierrez explains that "sin is not considered as an individual, private, or merely interior reality.
Liberationists view capitalist nations as sinful specifically because they have oppressed and exploited poorer nations. Capitalist nations have become prosperous, they say, at the expense of impoverished nations. This is often spoken of in terms of "dependency theory" - that is, the development of rich countries depends on the underdevelopment of poor countries.
There is another side to sin in liberation theology. Those who are oppressed can and do sin by acquiescing to their bondage. To go along passively with oppression rather than resisting and attempting to overthrow it - by violent means if necessary - is sin.[5]
The use of violence has been one of the most controversial aspects of liberation theology. Such violence is not considered sinful if it is used for resisting oppression. Indeed, certain liberation theologians "will in some cases regard a particular action (e.g., killing) as sin if it is committed by an oppressor, but not if it is committed by the oppressed in the struggle to remove inequities. The removal of inequities is believed to result in the removal of the occasion of sin [i.e., the oppressor] as well."[6]
Pope John Paul II has for years devoted himself to establishing a balanced policy on political activism for Roman Catholic clergy. He has staunchly advocated social justice, but has also consistently warned the clergy about becoming too involved in secular affairs and about the dangers of Marxism.
The Sacred Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith - the Vatican's watchdog for doctrinal orthodoxy - issued two important statements on liberation theology. The Instruction on Certain Aspects of the "Theology of Liberation" (1984) warned that it is impossible to invoke Marxist principles and terminology without ultimately embracing Marxist methods and goals. Marxism should therefore be avoided altogether.
Two years later (1986), the Instruction on Christian Freedom and Liberation affirmed the legitimacy of the oppressed taking action "through morally licit means, in order to secure structures and institutions in which their rights will be truly respected."[19] However, "while the church seeks the political, social and economic liberation of the downtrodden, its primary goal is the spiritual one of liberation from evil."[20] The statement accepted armed struggle "as a last resort to put an end to an obvious and prolonged tyranny which is gravely damaging the common good."[21]
This relative openness of the Roman Catholic church was largely responsible for liberation theology's rapid expansion. As we shall see shortly, however, the church's concerns over Marxism have proven justified in view of recent world events. Vatican leadership has breathed a collective sigh of relief that Marxist elements in liberation theology now seem to be waning. SHIFTING SANDS: 1990
Since the emergence of liberation theology in the 1960s, some aspects of the movement have remained constant. In his recent book, Liberation Theology at the Crossroads (1990), Paul E. Sigmund observes that liberation theology stills sees the world as more characterized "by conflict than compromise, inequality than equality, oppression rather than liberation. It also still retains its belief in the special religious character of the poor both as the object of God's particular love and the source of religious insights."[22] Despite these constants, however, liberation theology has also seen significant changes in recent years.
We begin with the observation that 1989 saw almost the whole of Eastern Europe rise up in revolt against Marxist ideology. The major reforms occurring in the Soviet Union and East Bloc nations represent an admission that Marxism has failed.
Michael Novak, who holds the George Frederick Jewett Chair at the American Enterprise Institute in Washington, D.C., raised a penetrating question in view of recent European events: "What will become of the liberation theologians of Latin America and elsewhere who have so long praised the ideals of Marxist-Leninism, but now must see how hollow they are?"[23]
Novak argues that a close reading of the Latin American theologians suggests that they "have begun to worry that they earlier invested too much credence in the social science they picked up from the universities."[24] For this reason, he says, "liberation theologians in the last few years have become much less hopeful about social structures, and increasingly concerned with issues of spirituality. They seem to be turning less to politics, and more to faith."[25] Sigmund agrees, noting that now "the greater emphasis [is] on the spiritual sources and implications of the concept of liberation."[26] (We shall address this "new spirituality" shortly.)
The shift in perspectives on socialism is one of the most important developments in liberation theology. In the recent writings of many liberation theologians, we find the concession that "the once-favored approach of substituting socialism for dependency or capitalism simply doesn't work, as has been seen in Eastern Europe."[27] Without necessarily deserting socialism, liberationists have shown an increasing ambiguity about what socialism really means, as well as an increasing tolerance of competing systems and an acceptance of Western-style democracy as a legitimate weapon against oppression.[28] Arthur F. McGovern, a Jesuit, comments that "the new political context in many parts of Latin America has led liberation theologians to talk about building a 'participatory democracy' from within civil society. Socialism no longer remains an unqualified paradigm for liberation aspirations."[29]
Another significant development in liberation theology is that its theologians are speaking much less of dependency theory - the idea that the development of rich countries depends on the underdevelopment of poor countries. To be sure, liberation theologians are still predominantly anticapitalist, but many have recognized that dependency theory has rightfully been criticized for some of its fundamental assertions.
The fallacy of dependency theory has been demonstrated by sociologist Peter Berger of Boston University. Berger has pointed out that "the development experience of Japan and the 'four little dragons' of East Asia - Taiwan, South Korea, Hong Kong and Singapore - represent 'empirical falsification' of the socioeconomic assumptions of dependency theory and liberation theology." On the other hand, Berger stressed, "there is simply no evidence of successful development by socialist third world nations anywhere or at anytime."[30]
Moreover, the liberationist's solution to the dependency problem - a socialist break with the capitalist world - has looked less attractive to liberation theologians because "the models of socialism either seemed to be bankrupt, or were resorting to market incentives and private enterprise, even inviting multinational investment."[31]
Besides shifts in thinking on socialism and dependency theory, many have had second thoughts about liberation theology because of the bloodshed it has provoked. A Los Angeles Times article focusing on liberation theology in El Salvador notes that "the deaths of some of those who have challenged the establishment have brought sober second thoughts about both the basis and the practice of liberation theology."[32] The article also observes that "such a violent counterrevolution here and in other Latin American nations - along with the failure of Eastern European Marxism and the Sandinista revolution in Nicaragua to bring social, political and economic justice - have led to calls for a new look at liberation theology."[33] Indeed, "some of the basic analytical assumptions and practical applications of liberation theology are being questioned, not just by the conservative elements of the [Catholic] church but also by some of those thinkers who first conceived the philosophy."[34]
Sigmund has observed that in view of the bloodshed associated with the movement in recent years, liberation theologians are no longer offering the easy justifications of the necessity of "counterviolence" against the "institutionalized violence" of the political establishment.[35] He also notes that the most obvious change in liberation theology "is from an infatuation with socialist revolution to a recognition that the poor are not going to be liberated by cataclysmic political transformations, but by organizational and personal activities in Base Communities."[36]
We have already noted that liberation theologians are focusing more on issues of spirituality. First and foremost, this means that liberation theologians are deriving more of their liberationist concepts from the Bible as opposed to social theory. Early books by liberation theologians focused primarily on social analysis and had very few biblical references. Now the situation is practically reversed: recent books by liberation theologians contain many biblical references and very little social analysis. There is much more "theology" in liberation theology these days. But their methodological approach is still one of a preferential treatment to the poor.
Besides greater rootedness in the Bible, there also seems to be more interest in spiritual disciplines - such as prayer, devotions, exercising faith, and fellowshiping with other believers. Much of this takes place at a grassroots level in ecclesial base communities. Bible studies on "liberation passages" (such as Mary's Magnificat, Luke 1:46-55) are common. The goal is to discover how Scripture applies to specific problems in the lives of the oppressed.
We have noted that liberation theology is predominantly a Roman Catholic movement. An important factor now impacting the movement in Latin America is the explosion of evangelical Protestantism there. "Latin America is no longer the Roman Catholic monolith it once was. Since the late 1960s, the number of Protestants has surged from 15 million to an estimated 40 million, about 10 percent of the population of Latin America."[37] Brazilian bishop Monsignor Boaventura Kloppenburg says that "Latin America is turning Protestant even faster than Central Europe did in the sixteenth century."[38] The overwhelming majority of these Protestants are Pentecostal.
As to why so many are presently turning to evangelicalism, one analyst suggests that "there now is a widespread recognition that liberation theology overlooked the emotional, personal message most people seek from religion. At the simplest level, liberation theologians preached salvation through social change - meaning, in effect, socialism in one form or another. The evangelicals preach individual salvation through individual change."[39]
David Martin, author of Tongues of Fire: The Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America (1990), suggests that economic advancement is another underlying cause of the Protestant explosion. He argues that "evangelical religion and economic advancement often go together[they] support and reinforce one another."[40] Carmen Galilea, a sociologist in Santiago, said that the typical Pentecostal "is well-regarded. He is responsible. He doesn't drink and is better motivated and better paid. As a result, he rises economically."[41] Pentecostal preaching "puts great emphasis on the demand to develop yourself," thus contributing to the economic rise.[42]
In a recent article in Insight magazine, Daniel Wattenberg suggests that another factor linking Pentecostalism and upward mobility is "the mutual material support available within the Pentecostal faith community (the churches provide a network that often functions as a job or housing referral agency)."[43] Moreover, volunteer work in the church "utilizes peoples' talents and creates opportunities to develop new skills that may give them a sense of usefulness and fulfillment for the first time in their lives."[44] The skills learned in a church context also give an edge to church members in seeking work outside the church.
Part of the Flock Felt Abandoned by the Pope
By Chris Kraul and Henry Chu, Times Staff Writers
April 10, 2005
In its heyday in the 1970s and '80s, liberation theology sought to combine decentralized Catholicism with leftist movements for social change, to bring God into the fight for justice on Earth.
Central to the doctrine were so-called "base communities" — the small communal groups that clerics such as Ventura organized to promote self-awareness and activism.
But soon after his election to the papacy in 1978, John Paul became alarmed by what he said were similarities between some elements of liberation theology and Marxism. He saw links between the groups and the participation of some Latin American clergy in political parties, government, even guerrilla armies.
Defenders of the theology say the vast majority of priests, catechists and lay people who practiced it were apolitical and nonviolent, that John Paul's stance was influenced by his upbringing in Eastern Europe, where communism and its Marxist underpinnings were the overriding demons.
"The pope was listening to those who were portraying liberation theology in caricatures — priests with guns, Marxists — and they just weren't accurate," said Dean Brackley, a theology professor at the Jesuit-run Central American University in San Salvador.
In any case, the new pope soon moved to quash liberation theology's dynamics, without officially declaring it taboo. In Brazil, the pope fired Archbishop Helder Camara, the "red bishop," and replaced him with an archconservative in Brazil's needy northeast region. He curbed the influence of Sao Paulo Cardinal Paulo Evaristo Arns, a strong proponent of base communities, by carving up his archdiocese in 1989.
"We were not understood," said Arns, 83 and now retired, adding that many Catholics became disaffected under the late pope. "A portion of the lay leadership was lost."
Leading Brazilian liberation theologian Leonardo Boff was ordered in 1984 to explain himself before a Vatican tribunal and to observe a year of "obsequious silence" during which the Franciscan monk was forbidden to speak out publicly or publish writings. Facing another such sentence in the early 1990s, Boff later left the order.
On a 1983 visit to Nicaragua, John Paul publicly scolded priest Ernesto Cardenal, a liberation theology proponent who had taken the post of minister of culture under the leftist Sandinista regime.
Maria Lopez Vigil, a former nun who is now a journalist in Nicaragua, accused the pope of taking "the side of the powerful" in the conflicts that convulsed Central America in the 1970s and 1980s.
"He cost the church members," she said, "but even worse, made hundreds of thousands of people uncomfortable with a God they thought was intolerant."
Here in El Salvador, where liberation theology was a driving force in organizing opposition to the right-wing government, John Paul's punitive measures were keenly felt.
After John Paul's ascension in 1978, Vatican commissions visited Romero two times demanding that he explain his outspoken criticism of El Salvador's military rulers and the seeming impunity of death squads that ended up claiming 21 priests and nuns as victims.
For years after his death, the Vatican maintained a pointed distance from Romero, while he became recognized as a martyr. Although John Paul twice visited Romero's tomb during Central American visits, the Vatican only recently announced that it was formally initiating Romero's beatification process.
"The pope didn't understand the meaning of Romero," said former priest Ventura, now 59. "It indicated that Rome doesn't give aspects of the Salvadoran, the Latin American church, the attention it should."
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April 08, 2005
Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, aka the Inquisition
Didn't know it still exists.
The cardinal was selected then by the pope to lead the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, which, in other more dangerous times for people accused of heresy, was called the Inquisition.
In 1997, a Sri Lankan theologian, the Rev. Tissa Balasuriya, was even excommunicated after being accused of challenging fundamental Catholic tenets like original sin and the Immaculate Conception.
Cardinal Ratzinger became the first church leader to rebuke Father Kung publicly for increasingly liberal writings, and Father Kung was eventually banned from teaching at Catholic universities.
German Cardinal Has a Major Voice at the Funeral
By DANIEL J. WAKIN and MARK LANDLER, New York Times
Published: April 8, 2005
ROME, April 7 - Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, who will say the funeral Mass for Pope John Paul II in St. Peter's Square on Friday, was one of his closest collaborators and for now has become perhaps the leading force in the Roman Catholic Church.
A small white-haired man, Cardinal Ratzinger moved to John Paul's side as his doctrinal watchdog in 1981 and was said to have regular access to him. The cardinal was selected then by the pope to lead the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, which, in other more dangerous times for people accused of heresy, was called the Inquisition.
Cardinal Ratzinger has acted as theological police officer, coming down hard on theologians who deviated from his interpretation of Catholic teaching.
In 1997, a Sri Lankan theologian, the Rev. Tissa Balasuriya, was even excommunicated after being accused of challenging fundamental Catholic tenets like original sin and the Immaculate Conception. The Rev. Charles E. Curran, who taught at Catholic University in Washington, was also disciplined, along with some Latin Americans who subscribed to liberation theology, which blended Marxist thought with religious efforts to help the poor.
Cardinal Ratzinger's first campaign, in the 1980's, was against liberation theology. More recently, he has waged a fight against religious relativism, which holds that no faith can claim to be the sole vessel of truth or to represent the world's only savior.
In the early 1960's, he was a theological adviser at the Second Vatican Council, the conference that transformed the church. He supported many of its efforts to make the church more open - but was later said to have turned against what he saw as excesses. It was part of an ideological transformation.
In 1966, the Rev. Hans Kung, a Swiss theologian, recruited him for the chair in dogmatic theology at Tubingen. He was so highly regarded, Father Kung said in an interview, that he was not asked to compete against other candidates, as is the custom in German universities.
The university was swept up in the protests of the 1960's. Hecklers interrupted his lectures, and the student parish, in which he was active, became radicalized. Repelled by what he saw as a neo-Marxist power grab, he left Tubingen in 1969 for the more conservative university at Regensburg in Bavaria.
"You will never understand him without knowing about his experience with the student revolts," Father Kung said. "He was disgusted by it."
Cardinal Ratzinger became the first church leader to rebuke Father Kung publicly for increasingly liberal writings, and Father Kung was eventually banned from teaching at Catholic universities.
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April 07, 2005
Papal Infallibility, Liberalism, and Attendance
Thomas Cahill, the author of "How the Irish Saved Civilization" and "Pope John XXIII" has an op-ed in the New York Times today about papal infallibility. He tells an interest story about how the doctrine came about:
John Paul II has been almost the polar opposite of John XXIII, who dragged Catholicism to confront 20th-century realities after the regressive policies of Pius IX, who imposed the peculiar doctrine of papal infallibility on the First Vatican Council in 1870, and after the reign of terror inflicted by Pius X on Catholic theologians in the opening decades of the 20th century. Unfortunately, this pope was much closer to the traditions of Pius IX and Pius X than to his namesakes. Instead of mitigating the absurdities of Vatican I's novel declaration of papal infallibility, a declaration that stemmed almost wholly from Pius IX's paranoia about the evils ranged against him in the modern world, John Paul II tried to further it. In seeking to impose conformity of thought, he summoned prominent theologians like Hans Kung, Edward Schillebeeckx and Leonardo Boff to star chamber inquiries and had his grand inquisitor, Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, issue condemnations of their work.
But John Paul II's most lasting legacy to Catholicism will come from the episcopal appointments he made. In order to have been named a bishop, a priest must have been seen to be absolutely opposed to masturbation, premarital sex, birth control (including condoms used to prevent the spread of AIDS), abortion, divorce, homosexual relations, married priests, female priests and any hint of Marxism. It is nearly impossible to find men who subscribe wholeheartedly to this entire catalogue of certitudes; as a result the ranks of the episcopate are filled with mindless sycophants and intellectual incompetents. The good priests have been passed over; and not a few, in their growing frustration as the pontificate of John Paul II stretched on, left the priesthood to seek fulfillment elsewhere.The situation is dire. Anyone can walk into a Catholic church on a Sunday and see pews, once filled to bursting, now sparsely populated with gray heads. And there is no other solution for the church but to begin again, as if it were the church of the catacombs, an oddball minority sect in a world of casual cruelty and unbending empire that gathered adherents because it was so unlike the surrounding society.
I think Cahill is too optimistic that a more liberal Catholic Church will draw more young people into the pews. All mainline Christian churches in the United States have had this demographic problem, including the liberal Episcopalian Church which has recently elected Gene Robinson, an openly gay man, as a bishop. It's the evangelical churches with conservative religious doctrines, but with more flamboyant rock 'n roll atmospherics, that have been gaining in youth memberships. Maybe they are going the way of Christian churches in Europe. You see that clearly on the college campuses. Conservatives obviously tend to be more religious than liberals. The fact that conservatives tend have more babies at an earlier age than liberals is probably exacerbating that demographic trend.
See the findings of this survey, for example:
Church Trends, 2000
The broad picture of interdenominational attendance, giving, member involvement and more
Of the 1,000 people surveyed by Barna, four out of every 10 said they attend a church service on a typical Sunday. Though this figure is down from last year, it remains relatively unchanged since 1994. The least likely group to attend services is the Baby Busters (18 to 34) at 28%, compared with 51% of adults 55 or older. And while the attendance among men remains unchanged, female attendance has declined in recent years.Overall, however, women are still more likely to attend church regularly than men.
Politically, conservatives were almost twice as likely as liberals (53% vs. 28%) to attend service every week. And regionally, the "Bible belt" areas of the South and Midwest still attract higher attendance than in the Northeast and West. Attendance averages proved higher among black churches--at 100 per service--than among white congregations (85), and suburban churches were the largest of all at 120 people per service. The smallest attendance was found in rural churches, with urban churches falling somewhere in between at 100.
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April 06, 2005
The Catholic Church and AIDS
It would nice if the Catholic Church would change its teaching on condom us, but how much blame does it deserve for the spread of STDs such as AIDS. For instance, it's been widely reported that there's a general reluctance among men in these countries to use condoms, whether or not they're Catholics. The Catholic Church teaches both abstinence from sex as well as abstinence from condoms. Why should we suppose one teaching is more effective than the other? (Answer: Well, because it's easier to abstain from condoms than it is to abstain from sex. Does that mean Catholicism, in of itself, prevents more people from using condoms than from having extramarital sex?)
Below is a list of countries in the world ranked by adult HIV infection rate, along with some figures on their religious composition. It seems, at first blush, that countries with non-Catholic majorities are just as likely to be hit by HIV. Do we know if Catholics in these countries are more likely to be infected HIV than non-Catholics?
From the CIA Fact Book and Adherents.com (figures in square brackets; I've listed the highest figure given where there are multiple figures)
http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/rankorder/2155rank.html
Rank Country HIV/AIDS
1 Swaziland Zionist (a blend of Christianity and indigenous ancestral worship) 40%, Roman Catholic 20%, Muslim 10%, Anglican, Bahai, Methodist, Mormon, Jewish and other 30%
2 Botswana indigenous beliefs 85%, Christian 15% [9% Catholic]
3 Lesotho Christian 80%, indigenous beliefs 20% [45% Catholic]
4 Zimbabwe syncretic (part Christian, part indigenous beliefs) 50%, Christian 25%, indigenous beliefs 24%, Muslim and other 1% [17% Catholic]
5 South Africa Christian 68% (includes most whites and Coloreds, about 60% of blacks and about 40% of Indians), Muslim 2%, Hindu 1.5% (60% of Indians), indigenous beliefs and animist 28.5% [10.00% Catholic]
6 Namibia Christian 80% to 90% (Lutheran 50% at least), indigenous beliefs 10% to 20% [20% Catholic]
7 Zambia Christian 50%-75%, Muslim and Hindu 24%-49%, indigenous beliefs 1% 10.00% [37.5% Catholic]
8 Malawi Protestant 55%, Roman Catholic 20%, Muslim 20%, indigenous beliefs 3%, other 2%
9 Central African Republic indigenous beliefs 35%, Protestant 25%, Roman Catholic 25%, Muslim 15% note: animistic beliefs and practices strongly influence the Christian majority
10 Mozambique indigenous beliefs 50%, Christian 30%, Muslim 20% [31% Catholic]
11 Guinea-Bissau indigenous beliefs 50%, Muslim 45%, Christian 5% [11% Catholic]
12 Tanzania mainland - Christian 30%, Muslim 35%, indigenous beliefs 35%; Zanzibar - more than 99% Muslim [31% Catholic]
13 Gabon Christian 55%-75%, animist, Muslim less than 1% [75% Catholic]
14 Cote d'Ivoire Christian 20-30%, Muslim 35-40%, indigenous 25-40% (2001) [20.5 Catholic]
15 Sierra Leone Muslim 60%, indigenous beliefs 30%, Christian 10% [3% Catholic]
16 Cameroon indigenous beliefs 40%, Christian 40%, Muslim 20% [35% Catholic]
17 Kenya Protestant 45%, Roman Catholic 33%, indigenous beliefs 10%, Muslim 10%, other 2%
18 Burundi Christian 67% (Roman Catholic 62%, Protestant 5%), indigenous beliefs 23%, Muslim 10%
19 Liberia indigenous beliefs 40%, Christian 40%, Muslim 20% [3.6% Catholic]
20 Haiti Roman Catholic 80%, Protestant 16% (Baptist 10%, Pentecostal 4%, Adventist 1%, other 1%), none 1%, other 3% (1982)
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The Vatican as a Country
About.com's geography page has some info on the Holy See, also known as the Vatican. It's amusing to see its stats listed as those of a country:
Holy See (Vatican City)
Location: Southern Europe, an enclave of Rome (Italy)
Area: total: 0.44 sq km land: 0.44 sq km water: 0 sq km
Area - comparative: about 0.7 times the size of The Mall in Washington, DC
Land boundaries: total: 3.2 km border countries: Italy 3.2 km
Natural resources: none
Geography - note: urban; landlocked; enclave of Rome, Italy; world's smallest state; outside the Vatican City, 13 buildings in Rome and Castel Gandolfo (the pope's summer residence) enjoy extraterritorial rights
Population: 880 (July 2000 est.)
Population growth rate: 1.15% (2000 est.)
Ethnic groups: Italians, Swiss, other
Religions: Roman Catholic
Languages: Italian, Latin, various other languages
Literacy: definition: NA total population: 100% male: NA% female: NA%
Country name: conventional long form: The Holy See (State of the Vatican City) conventional short form: Holy See (Vatican City) local long form: Santa Sede (Stato della Citta del Vaticano) local short form: Santa Sede (Citta del Vaticano)
Government type: monarchical-sacerdotal state
Independence: 11 February 1929 (from Italy)
National holiday: Installation Day of the Pope (John Paul II), 22 October (1978)
Constitution: Apostolic Constitution of 1967 (effective 1 March 1968)
Suffrage: limited to cardinals less than 80 years old
Executive branch: chief of state: Pope JOHN PAUL II (since 16 October 1978) head of government: Secretary of State Cardinal Angelo SODANO (since 2 December 1990) cabinet: Pontifical Commission appointed by the pope elections: pope elected for life by the College of Cardinals; election last held 16 October 1978 (next to be held after the death of the current pope); secretary of state appointed by the pope election results: Karol WOJTYLA elected pope
Legislative branch: unicameral Pontifical Commission
Judicial branch: none; normally handled by Italy
Political parties and leaders: none
Political pressure groups and leaders: none (exclusive of influence exercised by church officers)
International organization participation: IAEA, ICFTU, Intelsat, IOM (observer), ITU, NAM (guest), OAS (observer), OPCW, OSCE, UN (observer), UNCTAD, UNHCR, UPU, WIPO, WToO (observer)
Economy - overview: This unique, noncommercial economy is supported financially by contributions (known as Peter's Pence) from Roman Catholics throughout the world, the sale of postage stamps and tourist mementos, fees for admission to museums, and the sale of publications. The incomes and living standards of lay workers are comparable to, or somewhat better than, those of counterparts who work in the city of Rome.
Population below poverty line: NA%
Household income or consumption by percentage share: lowest 10%: NA% highest 10%: NA%
Labor force - by occupation: agriculture NA%, industry NA%, services NA%; note - dignitaries, priests, nuns, guards, and 3,000 lay workers live outside the Vatican
Budget: revenues: $209.6 million expenditures: $198.5 million, including capital expenditures of $NA (1997)
Industries: printing and production of a small amount of mosaics and staff uniforms; worldwide banking and financial activities
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